Bidayat: New Beginnings for All Seasons of Change

[Cover of the Winter/Spring issue of Bidayat.] [Cover of the Winter/Spring issue of Bidayat.]

Bidayat: New Beginnings for All Seasons of Change

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following article was translated from Arabic to English by Mark Marshall and Assaf Kfoury.]

The idea for this journal emerged from our growing desire to be present and take an active role in the development and reinvigoration of an agenda for the Left in the Arab world. The final impetus for this journalistic venture was the outbreak of the popular Arab revolutions, with all the new beginnings that they contain and inspire.

We believe that despite the inundation of “social networks” and the tyranny of the electronic media, there is still a place for periodical publications. That place lies somewhere on the continuum between the intellectual “fast food” that is served up on op-ed pages of daily papers on the one hand and scholarly academic periodicals on the other. It is a place that calls for sustained intellectual and cultural efforts that are governed not by transient and hasty considerations, but by the production of knowledge and the addressing of shortfalls in thought and culture.

These aspirations are reflected in the pages of this experimental issue. Most of its material deals with the popular Arab revolutions. We have tried to address as many of their aspects as we can: youth, women, sexuality, language, the economy and politics, political programmes, and intellectual and artistic production. To that end, we have given the podium to young activists who give their testimony from the streets and city squares. The pages of this journal will remain open to the youth to spread their various messages.

The revolutionary wave sweeping through Arab countries has shaken ingrained ways of thinking about the region, both globally and locally. It makes it imperative to engage in a critical review of these received ideas and to provide answers to the many new challenges regarding critical thought and the practice of change. 

The popular uprisings have raised the alarm about the close relationship between neoliberal economics and the problems of unemployment, poverty, corruption, and the high cost of living. They have exposed the close correlation between economic neoliberalism and tyrannical Arab regimes. We hope to stimulate study in the field of political economy about the region’s place in the global capitalist order over the past quarter-century. We want to encourage a close examination of the Arab energy sector and the means by which its profits have been appropriated and recycled to deal with global financial crises. And we welcome a critical study of the parasitic rentier economies, the exacerbation of consumerism, the widespread corruption and waste of natural resources, and, last but not least, how oil and gas have been effectively expropriated from the peoples of the region, largely divorced from issues of regional development, and made irrelevant to their struggles and aspirations.  

At a time when the social sciences are dominated by concerns about encoding and representation and the analysis of “discourses,” our concern is for the rehabilitation of the study of social relations, their transformations, and the discrimination and hierarchization they imply.

Criticism of orientalism has been practiced a great deal in our countries, to the exclusion of criticism of occidentalism. But criticism of the prevailing representations and images about the West is not an academic luxury; it is a practice with a double function: on the one hand, the production of knowledge about “the self,” and on the other, more accurate practical knowledge about the “the other.” Such knowledge facilitates engagement and debate on the basis of Arab interests, rights, and aspirations, which strengthens our capacity to liberate ourselves from dependency and exploitation.

In this first issue of Bidayat, we publish an article kindly contributed by Noam Chomsky in which he surveys aspects of American hegemony in light of the global financial crisis. It is accompanied by a study of the “landless movement” of Brazil, the largest social movement in the Third world. At this juncture, two concerns are raised. The first is cultural continuity within the lands of the Global South, which we open here with an assessment of the work of Eduardo Galeano, one of Latin America’s most brilliant writers. The second is a perusal of the experiences of the peoples of the Global South in the field of popular organization, the limits of the representational character of popular associations and trade-unions and political parties, and the need for innovative methods of activism and communication and forms of organization and representation.

Ideologies have not ended in our globalizing era. The strongest indication of that is the hegemony of the “theology” of the market and its politicized “priesthood.” Nor has the role of theory ended in the creation of knowledge or as a guide to revolutionary practice. In this issue, we publish a critical review entitled “Non-Marxist Marxist masks” and an introduction to the British Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm as well as writings on settling accounts with the Soviet experiment. We hope that these items and others provoke the discussion they deserve.

We have chosen for review books that relate to the popular revolutions. It happens that they were published in English. That is not to be wondered at, because the world pumps out a great many books and writings about the region written by non-Arabs or expatriate Arabs. Many of them include scholarly raw material and other valuable information. We will endeavor to follow similar works and make them known.

The Wikileaks revelations have aroused interest in government documents – including American ones – as valuable sources for modern historiography and information about policies in the making. In this issue we publish a number of US State Department and National Security Council documents that relate to the Syrian military intervention in Lebanon in the spring and autumn of 1976. And a section on “remembrance” will deal with memoirs, testimonies, diaries, documents, recordings of oral history, and suchlike sources related to history and memory.

Regarding culture, we have chosen to concentrate on the visual arts in this issue, because that artistic sense is still weakly developed in Arab cultural life. In future issues we intend to add sections on other aspects of culture. One aspect is about the two faces of popular culture – culture produced directly by the people and culture that is directed towards the general public. Another aspect also deserving special attention is the art of letter-writing.

A world of friends disappeared before the appearance of Bidayat. We miss their participation and we compensate for it by publishing previously unknown texts and drawings by Samir Kassir, Joseph Samaha, Maroun Baghdadi, and Mohieddin Ellabbad, accompanied by one of Mahmoud Darwish’s short poems in prose, “On this land there is that which deserves life,” in his own handwriting. We will not stop evoking them.

When all is said and done, it is left to the readers to judge the journal. Because we aspire to an ongoing relationship of interaction and solidarity with them, we rely on them to nourish Bidayat with writing, support, discussion, and criticism, just as much as we rely on them to play a part in ensuring our financial independence.  

[This is the introduction to the inaugural issue of Bidayat. Visit the magazine`s website here.]

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412